Foundation Studies Australian Studies 澳研 assignment代写
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Foundation Studies Australian Studies 澳研 assignment代写
Revised 15 February 2017
Foundation Studies
Australian Studies
Assessment Task Notification – Analysis of a famous Australian speech
Student ID Last name First name Preferred name
Topic Title
Analysis of a famous Australian speech - Stan Grant (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eA3UsF8yyho)
Paul Keating ‘Redfern’ speech (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x1S4F1euzTw)
Noel Pearson speech (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JsXmYHiuJ8s)
Due Date
Delivery Week 8
Submission to drop box End Week 8
Weighting 25%
Turn It In All answers should be in your own words. All assignments are routinely checked against Turn It In for plagiarism.
Length 800 words
Instructions Choose one of the 3 speeches provided and answer the following 7 questions. Number your responses.
1. Who is the speaker? What is the reason for, and reasons behind, the speech?
2. Write at least 4 sentences profiling the presenter. Why are they qualified to be speaking about the topic?
3. What is the sociopolitical context of the speech? Write one paragraph about it.
4. Critique the delivery of the speech. Consider the pacing, volume, vocabulary etc.
5. What is the theme of the speech? Summarise the key points in 4 sentences.
6. What was the general public response of the speech? Was the reaction predictable?
7. What, in your opinion, are the most successful aspects of this speech?
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Marking Criteria for response to questions
Q 1
Q2
Q3
Q4
Q5
Q6
Q7
/5
/5
/10
/5
/5
/5
/5
1-2
3
4-5
The response may be missing, incomplete or
unrelated to the question. There is no
consistent focus and little evidence that the
student has thought carefully about the
speech. Multiple grammatical errors make
this response difficult to read. The student
demonstrates little control over generic
structures and the range of vocabulary is
limited.
An identifiable, reasonably comprehensive
response to the question is provided. The
structure of the response is logical and
evidence relating to the speech supports
most or answers. The student can use some
sentence structures and vocabulary
accurately, but language errors may interrupt
the flow and may occasionally impede
understanding.
A clear response and a sound structure support
the logical development of ideas. Throughout
the response, there is evidence of a thoughtful
approach to the speech and an attempt to
discuss the major points in a sophisticated
manner using relevant evidence and research to
support all claims. The student demonstrates a
high level of control of sentence structures and
vocabulary. Any language errors do not impede
the reader’s understanding.
/40
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Speech 1
Stan Grant’s IQ2 debate speech on the topic:
Racism is Destroying the Australian Dream. January 19, 2016
Video
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=uEOssW1rw0I
Thank you so much for coming along this evening and I would also like to extend my respects to my Gadigal brothers and sisters from my people, the
Wiradjuri people.
In the winter of 2015, Australia turned to face itself. It looked into it's soul and it had to ask this question. Who are we? What sort of country do we
want to be? And this happened in a place that is most holy, most sacred to Australians. It happened in the sporting field, it happened on the football
field. Suddenly the front page was on the back page, it was in the grandstands.
Thousands of voices rose to hound an Indigenous man. A man who was told he wasn't Australian. A man who was told he wasn't Australian of the
Year. And they hounded that man into submission.
I can't speak for what lay in the hearts of the people who booed Adam Goodes. But I can tell you what we heard when we heard those boos. We
heard a sound that was very familiar to us.
We heard a howl. We heard a howl of humiliation that echoes across two centuries of dispossession, injustice, suffering and survival. We heard the
howl of the Australian dream and it said to us again, you're not welcome.
The Australian Dream.
We sing of it, and we recite it in verse. Australians all, let us rejoice for we are young and free.
My people die young in this country. We die ten years younger than average Australians and we are far from free. We are fewer than three percent
of the Australian population and yet we are 25 percent, a quarter of those Australians locked up in our prisons and if you are a juvenile, it is worse, it
is 50 percent. An Indigenous child is more likely to be locked up in prison than they are to finish high school.
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I love a sunburned country, a land of sweeping plains, of rugged mountain ranges.
It reminds me that my people were killed on those plains. We were shot on those plains, disease ravaged us on those plains.
I come from those plains. I come from a people west of the Blue Mountains, the Wiradjuri people, where in the 1820's, the soldiers and settlers
waged a war of extermination against my people. Yes, a war of extermination! That was the language used at the time. Go to the Sydney Gazette and
look it up and read about it. Martial law was declared and my people could be shot on sight. Those rugged mountain ranges, my people, women and
children were herded over those ranges to their deaths.
The Australian Dream.
The Australian Dream is rooted in racism. It is the very foundation of the dream. It is there at the birth of the nation. It is there in terra nullius. An
empty land. A land for the taking. Sixty thousand years of occupation. A people who made the first seafaring journey in the history of mankind. A
people of law, a people of lore, a people of music and art and dance and politics. None of it mattered because our rights were extinguished because
we were not here according to British law.
And when British people looked at us, they saw something sub-human, and if we were human at all, we occupied the lowest rung on civilisation's
ladder. We were fly-blown, stone age savages and that was the language that was used. Charles Dickens, the great writer of the age, when referring
to the noble savage of which we were counted among, said "it would be better that they be wiped off the face of the earth." Captain Arthur Phillip, a
man of enlightenment, a man who was instructed to make peace with the so called natives in a matter of years, was sending out raiding parties with
the instruction, "Bring back the severed heads of the black troublemakers."
They were smoothing the dying pillow.
My people were rounded up and put on missions from where if you escaped, you were hunted down, you were roped and tied and dragged back,
and it happened here. It happened on the mission that my grandmother and my great grandmother are from, the Warrengesda on the Darling Point
of the Murrumbidgee River.
Read about it. It happened.
By 1901 when we became a nation, when we federated the colonies, we were nowhere. We're not in the Constitution, save for 'race provisions'
which allowed for laws to be made that would take our children, that would invade our privacy, that would tell us who we could marry and tell us
where we could live.
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The Australian Dream.
Foundation Studies Australian Studies 澳研 assignment代写
By 1963, the year of my birth, the dispossession was continuing. Police came at gunpoint under cover of darkness to Mapoon, an aboriginal
community in Queensland, and they ordered people from their homes and they burned those homes to the ground and they gave the land to a
bauxite mining company. And today those people remember that as the 'Night of the Burning'.
In 1963 when I was born, I was counted among the flora and fauna, not among the citizens of this country.
Now, you will hear things tonight. You will hear people say, "But you've done well." Yes, I have and I'm proud of it and why have I done well? I've
done well because of who has come before me. My father who lost the tips of three fingers working in saw mills to put food on our table because he
was denied an education. My grandfather who served to fight wars for this country when he was not yet a citizen and came back to a segregated
land where he couldn't even share a drink with his digger mates in the pub because he was black.
My great grandfather, who was jailed for speaking his language to his grandson (my father). Jailed for it! My grandfather on my mother's side who
married a white woman who reached out to Australia, lived on the fringes of town until the police came, put a gun to his head, bulldozed his tin
humpy and ran over the graves of the three children he buried there.
That's the Australian Dream. I have succeeded in spite of the Australian Dream, not because of it, and I've succeeded because of those people.
You might hear tonight, "But you have white blood in you". And if the white blood in me was here tonight, my grandmother, she would tell you of
how she was turned away from a hospital giving birth to her first child because she was giving birth to the child of a black person.
The Australian Dream.
We're better than this. I have seen the worst of the world as a reporter. I spent a decade in war zones from Iraq to Afghanistan, and Pakistan. We are
an extraordinary country. We are in so many respects the envy of the world. If I was sitting here where my friends are tonight, I would be arguing
passionately for this country. But I stand here with my ancestors, and the view looks very different from where I stand.
The Australian Dream.
We have our heroes. Albert Namatjira painted the soul of this nation. Vincent Lingiari put his hand out for Gough Whitlam to pour the sand of his
country through his fingers and say, "This is my country." Cathy Freeman lit the torch of the Olympic Games. But every time we are lured into the
light, we are mugged by the darkness of this country's history. Of course racism is killing the Australian Dream. It is self evident that it's killing the
Australian dream. But we are better than that.
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The people who stood up and supported Adam Goodes and said, "No more," they are better than that. The people who marched across the bridge
for reconciliation, they are better than that. The people who supported Kevin Rudd when he said sorry to the Stolen Generations, they are better
than that. My children and their non-Indigenous friends are better than that. My wife who is not Indigenous is better than that.
And one day, I want to stand here and be able to say as proudly and sing as loudly as anyone else in this room, Australians all, let us rejoice.
Thank you.
http://www.ethics.org.au/on-ethics/blog/january-2016/stan-grant-s-speech-on-racism-and-the-australian-d
Revised 15 February 2017
Speech 2
Noel Pearson’s Eulogy for Gough Whitlam
November 4 th , 2014
Video
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JsXmYHiuJ8s
Paul Keating said the reward for public life is public progress.
For one born estranged from the nation's citizenship, into a humble family of a marginal people striving in the teeth of poverty and discrimination,
today it is assuredly no longer the case.
This because of the equalities of opportunities afforded by the Whitlam program.
Raised next to the wood heap of the nation's democracy, bequeathed no allegiance to any political party, I speak to this old man's legacy with no
partisan brief.
Rather, my signal honour today on behalf of more people than I could ever know, is to express our immense gratitude for the public service of this
old man.
Noel Pearson delivers his tribute to Gough Whitlam at the memorial service at Sydney Town Hall. Photo: Peter Rae
I once took him on a tour to my village and we spoke about the history of the mission and my youth under the government of his nemesis,
Queensland Premier Joh Bjelke-Petersen.
My home was an Aboriginal reserve under a succession of Queensland laws commencing in 1897.
These laws were notoriously discriminatory and the bureaucratic apparatus controlling the reserves maintained vigil over the smallest details
concerning its charges.
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Superintendents held vast powers and a cold and capricious bureaucracy presided over this system for too long in the 20th century.
In June 1975, the Whitlam government enacted the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islanders Queensland Discriminatory Laws Act.
The law put to purpose the power conferred upon the Commonwealth Parliament by the 1967 referendum, finally outlawing the discrimination my
father and his father lived under since my grandfather was removed to the mission as a boy and to which I was subject [for] the first 10 years of my
life.
Powers regulating residency on reserves without a permit, the power of reserve managers to enter private premises without the consent of the
householder, legal representation and appeal from court decisions, the power of reserve managers to arbitrarily direct people to work, and the
terms and conditions of employment, were now required to treat Aboriginal Queenslanders on the same footing as other Australians.
We were at last free from those discriminations that humiliated and degraded our people.
The companion to this enactment, which would form the architecture of indigenous human rights akin to the Civil Rights Act 1965 in the United
States, was the Racial Discrimination Act.
It was in Queensland under Bjelke-Petersen that its importance became clear.
In 1976, a Wik man from Aurukun on the western Cape York Peninsula, John Koowarta, sought to purchase the Archer Bend pastoral lease from its
white owner.
The Queensland government refused the sale. The High Court's decision in Koowarta versus Bjelke-Petersen upheld the Racial Discrimination Act as a
valid exercise of the external affairs powers of the Commonwealth.
However, in an act of spite, the Queensland Government converted the lease into the Acher Bend National Park.
Old man Koowarta died a broken man, the winner of a landmark High Court precedent but the victim of an appalling discrimination.
The Racial Discrimination Act was again crucial in 1982 when a group of Murray Islanders led by Eddie Mabo claimed title under the common law to
their traditional homelands in the Torres Strait.
In 1985 Bjelke-Petersen sought to kill the Murray Islanders' case by enacting a retrospective extinguishment of any such title.
There was no political or media uproar against Bjelke-Petersen's law. There was no public condemnation of the state's manouevre. There was no
redress anywhere in the democratic forums or procedures of the state or the nation.
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If there were no Racial Discrimination Act that would have been the end of it. Land rights would have been dead, there would never have been a
Mabo case in 1992, there would have been no Native Title Act under Prime Minister Keating in 1993.
Without this old man the land and human rights of our people would never have seen the light of day.
There would never have been Mabo and its importance to the history of Australia would have been lost without the Whitlam program.
Only those who have known discrimination truly know its evil.
Only those who have never experienced prejudice can discount the importance of the Racial Discrimination Act.
This old man was one of those rare people who never suffered discrimination but understood the importance of protection from its malice.
On this day we will recall the repossession of the Gurindji of Wave Hill, when the Prime Minister said, "Vincent Lingiari, I solemnly hand to you these
deeds as proof in Australian law that these lands belong to the Gurindji people and I put into your hands this piece of earth itself as a sign that we
restore them to you and your children forever."
It was this old man's initiative with the Woodward Royal Commission that led to Prime Minister Fraser's enactment of the Aboriginal Land Rights
Northern Territory Act, legislation that would see more than half of the territory restored to its traditional owners.
Of course recalling the Whitlam Government's legacy has been, for the past four decades since the dismissal, a fraught and partisan business.
Assessments of those three highly charged years and their aftermath divide between the nostalgia and fierce pride of the faithful, and the equally
vociferous opinion that the Whitlam years represented the nadir of national government in Australia. Let me venture a perspective.
The Whitlam government is the textbook case of reform trumping management.
In less than three years an astonishing reform agenda leapt off the policy platform and into legislation and the machinery and programs of
government.
The country would change forever. The modern cosmopolitan Australia finally emerged like a technicolour butterfly from its long dormant chrysalis.
And 38 years later we are like John Cleese, Eric Idle and Michael Palin's Jewish insurgents ranting against the despotic rule of Rome, defiantly
demanding "and what did the Romans ever do for us anyway?"
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Apart from Medibank and the Trade Practices Act, cutting tariff protections and no-fault divorce in the Family Law Act, the Australia Council, the
Federal Court, the Order of Australia, federal legal aid, the Racial Discrimination Act, needs-based schools funding, the recognition of China, the
abolition of conscription, the law reform commission, student financial assistance, the Heritage Commission, non-discriminatory immigration rules,
community health clinics, Aboriginal land rights, paid maternity leave for public servants, lowering the minimum voting age to 18 years and fair
electoral boundaries and Senate representation for the territories.
Apart from all of this, what did this Roman ever do for us?
And the Prime Minister with that classical Roman mien, one who would have been as naturally garbed in a toga as a safari suit, stands imperiously
with twinkling eyes and that slight self-mocking smile playing around his mouth, in turn infuriating his enemies and delighting his followers.
There is no need for nostalgia and yearning for what might have been.
The achievements of this old man are present in the institutions we today take for granted and played no small part in the progress of modern
Australia.
There is no need to regret three years was too short. Was any more time needed? The breadth and depth of the reforms secured in that short and
tumultuous period were unprecedented, and will likely never again be repeated.
The devil-may-care attitude to management as opposed to reform is unlikely to be seen again by governments whose priorities are to retain power
rather than reform.
The Whitlam program as laid out in the 1972 election platform consisted three objectives: to promote equality, to involve the people of Australia in
the decision-making processes of our land, and to liberate the talents and uplift the horizons of the Australian people.
This program is as fresh as it was when first conceived. It scarcely could be better articulated today.
Who would not say the vitality of our democracy is a proper mission of government and should not be renewed and invigorated.
Who can say that liberating the talents and uplifting the horizons of Australians is not a worthy charter for national leadership?
It remains to mention the idea of promoting equality. My chances in this nation were a result of the Whitlam program. My grandparents and parents
could never have imagined the doors that opened to me which were closed to them.
I share this consciousness with millions of my fellow Australians whose experiences speak in some way or another to the great power of distributed
opportunity.
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I don't know why someone with this old man's upper middle class background could carry such a burning conviction that the barriers of class and
race of the Australia of his upbringing and maturation should be torn down and replaced with the unapologetic principle of equality.
I can scarcely point to any white Australian political leader of his vintage and of generations following of whom it could be said without a shadow of
doubt, he harboured not a bone of racial, ethnic or gender prejudice in his body.
This was more than urbane liberalism disguising human equivocation and private failings; it was a modernity that was so before its time as to be
utterly anachronistic.
For people like me who had no chance if left to the means of our families we could not be more indebted to this old man's foresight and moral vision
for universal opportunity.
Only those born bereft truly know the power of opportunity. Only those accustomed to its consolations can deprecate a public life dedicated to its
furtherance and renewal. This old man never wanted opportunity himself but he possessed the keenest conviction in its importance.
For it behoves the good society through its government to ensure everyone has chance and opportunity.
This is where the policy convictions of Prime Minister Whitlam were so germane to the uplift of many millions of Australians.
We salute this old man for his great love and dedication to his country and to the Australian people.
When he breathed he truly was Australia's greatest white elder and friend without peer of the original Australians.
Noel Pearson is an Aboriginal Australian lawyer, land rights activist and founder of the Cape York Institute. This is the full text of the speech he gave
at Gough Whitlam's memorial.
Source: http://www.smh.com.au/comment/noel-pearsons-eulogy-for-gough-whitlam-in-full-20141105-11haeu.html#ixzz3gmX0MhQ5
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Speech 3
Paul Keating’s Redfern Park Speech
December 10 th , 1992.
Video Part 1
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mKhmTLN3Ddo
Video Part 2
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=5G0gizfu5Ms
I am very pleased to be here today at the launch of Australia's celebration of the 1993 International Year of the World's Indigenous People.
It will be a year of great significance for Australia
It comes at a time when we have committed ourselves to succeeding in the test which so far we have always failed.
Because, in truth, we cannot confidently say that we have succeeded as we would like to have succeeded if we have not managed to extend
opportunity and care, dignity and hope to the indigenous people of Australia - the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Island people.
This is a fundamental test of our social goals and our national will: our ability to say to ourselves and the rest of the world that Australia is a first rate
social democracy, that we are what we should be - truly the land of the fair go and the better chance.
There is no more basic test of how seriously we mean these things.
It is a test of our self-knowledge.
Of how well we know the land we live in. How well we know our history.
How well we recognise the fact that, complex as our contemporary identity is, it cannot be separated from Aboriginal Australia.
How well we know what Aboriginal Australians know about Australia.
Redfern is a good place to contemplate these things.
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Just a mile or two from the place where the first European settlers landed, in too many ways it tells us that their failure to bring much more than
devastation and demoralisation to Aboriginal Australia continues to be our failure.
More I think than most Australians recognise, the plight of Aboriginal Australians affects us all.
In Redfern it might be tempting to think that the reality Aboriginal Australians face is somehow contained here, and that the rest of us are insulated
from it.
But of course, while all the dilemmas may exist here, they are far from contained.
We know the same dilemmas and more are faced all over Australia.
That is perhaps the point of this Year of the World's Indigenous People: to bring the dispossessed out of the shadows, to recognise that they are part
of us, and that we cannot give indigenous Australians up without giving up many of our own most deeply held values, much of our own identity - and
our own humanity.
Nowhere in the world, I would venture, is the message more stark than it is in Australia.
We simply cannot sweep injustice aside. Even if our own conscience allowed us to, I am sure, that in due course, the world and the people of our
region would not.
There should be no mistake about this - our success in resolving these issues will have a significant bearing on our standing in the world.
However intractable the problems seem, we cannot resign ourselves to failure - any more than we can hide behind the contemporary version of
Social Darwinism which says that to reach back for the poor and dispossessed is to risk being dragged down.
That seems to me not only morally indefensible, but bad history.
We non-Aboriginal Australians should perhaps remind ourselves that Australia once reached out for us.
Didn't Australia provide opportunity and care for the dispossessed Irish? The poor of Britain? The refugees from war and famine and persecution in
the countries of Europe and Asia?
Isn't it reasonable to say that if we can build a prosperous and remarkably harmonious multicultural society in Australia, surely we can find just
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solutions to the problems which beset the first Australians - the people to whom the most injustice has been done.
And, as I say, the starting point might be to recognise that the problem starts with us non-Aboriginal Australians.
It begins, I think, with that act of recognition
Recognition that it was we who did the dispossessing.
We took the traditional lands and smashed the traditional way of life.
We brought the diseases. The alcohol.
We committed the murders.
We took the children from their mothers.
We practised discrimination and exclusion.
It was our ignorance and our prejudice.
And our failure to imagine these things being done to us.
With some noble exceptions, we failed to make the most basic human response and enter into their hearts and minds.
We failed to ask - how would I feel if this were done to me?
As a consequence, we failed to see that what we were doing degraded all of us.
If we needed a reminder of this, we received it this year.
The Report of the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody showed with devastating clarity that the past lives on in inequality, racism and
injustice.
In the prejudice and ignorance of non-Aboriginal Australians, and in the demoralisation and desperation, the fractured identity, of so many
Aborigines and Torres Strait Islanders.
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For all this, I do not believe that the Report should fill us with guilt.
Down the years, there has been no shortage of guilt, but it has not produced the responses we need.
Guilt is not a very constructive emotion.
I think what we need to do is open our hearts a bit.
All of us.
Perhaps when we recognise what we have in common we will see the things which must be done - the practical things.
There is something of this in the creation of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation.
The Council's mission is to forge a new partnership built on justice and equity and an appreciation of the heritage of Australia's indigenous people.
In the abstract those terms are meaningless.
We have to give meaning to "justice" and "equity" - and, as I have said several times this year, we will only give them meaning when we commit
ourselves to achieving concrete results.
If we improve the living conditions in one town, they will improve in another. And another.
If we raise the standard of health by twenty per cent one year, it will be raised more the next.
If we open one door others will follow.
When we see improvement, when we see more dignity, more confidence, more happiness - we will know we are going to win.
We need these practical building blocks of change.
The Mabo Judgement should be seen as one of these.
By doing away with the bizarre conceit that this continent had no owners prior to the settlement of Europeans, Mabo establishes a fundamental
Revised 15 February 2017
truth and lays the basis for justice.
It will be much easier to work from that basis than has ever been the case in the past.
For that reason alone we should ignore the isolated outbreaks of hysteria and hostility of the past few months.
Mabo is an historic decision - we can make it an historic turning point, the basis of a new relationship between indigenous and non-Aboriginal
Australians.
The message should be that there is nothing to fear or to lose in the recognition of historical truth, or the extension of social justice, or the
deepening of Australian social democracy to include indigenous Australians.
There is everything to gain.
Even the unhappy past speaks for this.
Where Aboriginal Australians have been included in the life of Australia they have made remarkable contributions.
Economic contributions, particularly in the pastoral and agricultural industry.
They are there in the frontier and exploration history of Australia.
They are there in the wars.
In sport to an extraordinary degree.
In literature and art and music.
In all these things they have shaped our knowledge of this continent and of ourselves. They have shaped our identity.
They are there in the Australian legend.
We should never forget - they have helped build this nation.
And if we have a sense of justice, as well as common sense, we will forge a new partnership.
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As I said, it might help us if we non-Aboriginal Australians imagined ourselves dispossessed of land we had lived on for fifty thousand years - and then
imagined ourselves told that it had never been ours.
Imagine if ours was the oldest culture in the world and we were told that it was worthless.
Imagine if we had resisted this settlement, suffered and died in the defence of our land, and then were told in history books that we had given up
without a fight.
Imagine if non-Aboriginal Australians had served their country in peace and war and were then ignored in history books.
Imagine if our feats on sporting fields had inspired admiration and patriotism and yet did nothing to diminish prejudice.
Imagine if our spiritual life was denied and ridiculed.
Imagine if we had suffered the injustice and then were blamed for it.
It seems to me that if we can imagine the injustice we can imagine its opposite.
And we can have justice.
I say that for two reasons:
I say it because I believe that the great things about Australian social democracy reflect a fundamental belief in justice.
And I say it because in so many other areas we have proved our capacity over the years to go on extending the realms of participation, opportunity
and care.
Just as Australians living in the relatively narrow and insular Australia of the 1960s imagined a culturally diverse, worldly and open Australia, and in a
generation turned the idea into reality, so we can turn the goals of reconciliation into reality.
There are very good signs that the process has begun.
The creation of the Reconciliation Council is evidence itself.
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The establishment of the ATSIC - the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission - is also evidence.
The Council is the product of imagination and good will.
ATSIC emerges from the vision of indigenous self-determination and self-management.
The vision has already become the reality of almost 800 elected Aboriginal Regional Councillors and Commissioners determining priorities and
developing their own programs.
All over Australia, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander communities are taking charge of their own lives.
And assistance with the problems which chronically beset them is at last being made available in ways developed by the communities themselves.
If these things offer hope, so does the fact that this generation of Australians is better informed about Aboriginal culture and achievement, and
about the injustice that has been done, than any generation before.
We are beginning to more generally appreciate the depth and the diversity of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures.
From their music and art and dance we are beginning to recognise how much richer our national life and identity will be for the participation of
Aboriginals and Torres Strait Islanders.
We are beginning to learn what the indigenous people have known for many thousands of years - how to live with our physical environment.
Ever so gradually we are learning how to see Australia through Aboriginal eyes, beginning to recognise the wisdom contained in their epic story.
I think we are beginning to see how much we owe the indigenous Australians and how much we have lost by living so apart.
I said we non-indigenous Australians should try to imagine the Aboriginal view.
It can't be too hard. Someone imagined this event today, and it is now a marvellous reality and a great reason for hope.
There is one thing today we cannot imagine.
We cannot imagine that the descendants of people whose genius and resilience maintained a culture here through fifty thousand years or more,
through cataclysmic changes to the climate and environment, and who then survived two centuries of disposession and abuse, will be denied their
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place in the modern Australian nation.
We cannot imagine that.
We cannot imagine that we will fail.
And with the spirit that is here today I am confident that we won't.
I am confident that we will succeed in this decade.
Thank you
Source: http://www.smh.com.au/news/general/paul-keatings-speech/2008/02/08/1202234143647.html
Foundation Studies Australian Studies 澳研 assignment代写
